Editing Falun Gong (section)

===Within China===
[[File:Origins-GuangzhouPractice.jpg|thumb|Morning Falun Dafa exercises in [[Guangzhou]]]]
In 1993, the Beijing-based Falun Dafa Research Society was accepted as a branch of the state-run China Qigong Research Society (CQRS), which oversaw the administration of the country's various qigong schools, and sponsored activities and seminars. As per the requirements of the CQRS, Falun Gong was organized into a nationwide network of assistance centers, "main stations", "branches", "guidance stations", and local practice sites, mirroring the structure of the qigong society or even of the CCP itself.<ref name=Tong/><ref name="McDonald">{{cite book |last=McDonald |first=Kevin |date=2006 |title=Global Movements: Action and Culture |location=Hoboken, New Jersey |publisher=Wiley-Blackwell |pages=142–164 |isbn=978-1405116138}}</ref> Falun Gong assistants were self-selecting volunteers who taught the exercises, organized events, and disseminated new writings from Li Hongzhi. The Falun Dafa Research Society provided advice to students on meditation techniques, translation services, and coordination for the practice nationwide.<ref name="Tong">{{Cite journal |last=Tong |first=James |date=September 2002 |title=An Organizational Analysis of the Falun Gong: Structure, Communications, Financing |journal=[[The China Quarterly]] |volume=171 |pages=636–660 |doi=10.1017/S0009443902000402 |s2cid=154108066}}</ref>

Following its departure from the CQRS in 1996, Falun Gong came under increased scrutiny from authorities and responded by adopting a more decentralized and loose organizational structure.<ref name=porterthesis/> In 1997, the Falun Dafa Research Society was formally dissolved, along with the regional "main stations".<ref>{{harvp|Tong| 2002|p=641}}</ref> Yet practitioners continued to organize themselves at local levels, being connected through electronic communications, interpersonal networks and group exercise sites.<ref name=porterthesis/><ref name="Tong2009">{{harvp|Tong|2009}}</ref> Both Falun Gong sources and Chinese government sources claimed that there were some 1,900 "guidance stations" and 28,263 local Falun Gong exercise sites nationwide by 1999, though they disagree over the extent of vertical coordination among these organizational units.<ref>{{harvp|Tong| 2002|p=642}}</ref> In response to the persecution that began in 1999, Falun Gong was driven underground, the organizational structure grew yet more informal within China, and the internet took precedence as a means of connecting practitioners.<ref>{{cite book |first=Patricia |last=Thornton |chapter=Manufacturing Dissent in Transnational China |title=Popular Protest in China |editor-first=Kevin J. |editor-last=O'Brien |location=Cambridge, Massachusetts |publisher=Harvard University Press |year=2008}}{{ISBN?}}</ref>

Following the persecution of Falun Gong in 1999, Chinese authorities sought to portray Falun Gong as a hierarchical and well-funded organization. James Tong writes that it was in the government's interest to portray Falun Gong as highly organized in order to justify its repression of the group: "The more organized the Falun Gong could be shown to be, then the more justified the regime's repression in the name of social order was."<ref>{{harvp|Tong| 2002|p=638}}</ref> He concluded that Party's claims lacked "both internal and external substantiating evidence", and that despite the arrests and scrutiny, the authorities never "credibly countered Falun Gong rebuttals".<ref>{{harvp|Tong| 2002|p=657}}</ref>